The Spanish Atlantic System: Discovery and Context from an Ethnohistorical Perspective

 

The Spanish Atlantic System:  Discovery and Context from an Ethnohistorical Perspective

            In attempting to understand the complex perspectives present in the Spanish Atlantic System of the 15^th through 19^th centuries, the historian must take into account the myriad of voices and viewpoints present, understanding that some voices are weaker than others and perhaps not even heard.  Traditional historical analyses might look at sweeping political movements and military conquests alone when writing a narrative of events.  However, an ethnohistorical approach insists that all aspects of society are interrelated and that historians must take an holistic, interpretive approach.  This would include all aspects of everyday life:  sexuality, marriage, childhood, magic, myth, and ritual from all viewpoints.[1]  Looking holistically at the Spanish Atlantic System, we find a complex web of culture, religion, law, and history.  From Mexico to Central and South America, the Spanish created the “largest professional bureaucracy to govern, tax, and control…” the native population.[2]  Ethnohistorical analysis requires the historian to examine all perspectives; not only that of the Spanish and historical Spain, but also the African and Amerindian view.  Unfortunately, most primary sources we have from the period are Spanish in origin.  How can we also see the perspective of the other peoples involved?  Often, we have to analyze source material “against the grain” to ferret out the details that are not obvious.[3]  As one example in studying traditional female roles of the Yucatec Maya, Inga Clendinnen states that by “reconstructing the boundaries drawn around male activities…” we can then get a better idea of what the role of women was like in societal life.[4] 

            Who were the voices present when the Spanish first arrived on the shores of the Caribbean Islands, Mexico, Central America, and South America?  It would be easy to assume that there were two:  that of the Spanish and that of the Amerindians.  But that would be simplistic.  Among the Spanish there were people of various societal levels, the same as the native peoples.  We have already inferred that there were different roles between men and women, but besides these, there were differing ideas and as a result, differing actions.  There were those Spanish “conquistadors” who were intent on crushing any resisting indigenous population, and there were those who resisted this idea and were vocal about the need for less severity.  The Dominican friar, Fray Bartolome de Las Casas is perhaps most famous in his writings about how best to deal with the native Amerindians.  He particularly spoke out against a ceremonial custom known as the Requirement.  This formulaic statement was required to be read by the Spanish commander to the indigenous population prior to invasion and demanded their submission to the Spanish Crown and the Catholic Church.  If they refused, the Spanish commander had the authority to conquer their lands and take as property their people.  The Requirement served both a political as well as military role[5] and was based historically in the Islamic legal system of conquest.[6]  The Requirement laid the framework for the Spanish to create a political system that also incorporated a poll tax system that was likewise based on the Islamic Jizya.[7]  Fray de Las Casas spoke out against the use of the Requirement, noting its historical basis in Islam.  Others who also condemned severe treatment of the native peoples include Francisco Roldan, who was Chief Justice of Hispaniola while Christopher Columbus and his brother held power over the island.  In a letter to Cardinal Jimenez de Cisneros, the Archbishop of Toledo, dated around 1499, Roldan complains of the treatment he has received at the hands of Columbus’ brother, who he identified with the position of Adelantado, as well as his treatment of the natives of the island.  The Adelantado, he reports, “began to act with such severity that he caused the people to fear and hate him…”[8]  Roldan goes on to relate a peace treaty with a local leader that he had concluded.  According to Roldan, Columbus’ brother stated that he (Roldan) did not have the authority to conclude a treaty and therefore it was not valid.  The Adelantado proceeds to seize the native leader along with his wives and children.[9]

            What can we infer about native peoples’ perspectives of the European encounter?  In the above related series of events, it would be obvious (and safe) to assume that the natives must have viewed the Spaniards as not trustworthy, having reneged on an established peace treaty.  They had already been severely mistreated even before this.  But is this the only voice we can discern amongst the native population?  From the writings of another friar, Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, who was with Cortez when they encountered the Aztec (Mexica) culture, we learn that Cortez was assisted in his conquest of the Mexicas by another group of natives, known as the Tlaxcalans.[10]  In fact, we know that throughout Central and South America, Spanish invaders “consolidated wealth, power, and status by making strategic alliances with powerful indigenous ethnic groups.”[11]  What were their perspectives of the coming Spanish conquest?  What forces caused them to align themselves with the Spaniards?  The opinions of the soon to be conquered Mexicas seems apparent in Fray de Sahagun’s writings, who compiled an extensive work which he wrote from the viewpoint of the native Mexicas.  The Mexicas originally thought the Spaniards were gods coming from heaven.  They referred to the Africans who were with them as “soiled gods.”[12]  Curiously enough, they initially sent magicians to them in an attempt to drive the Spaniards away through spells.  When this did not work, the Mexicas felt that the Spaniards were invincible.[13]  Later, when Cortez’ real intent was discovered, and violence ensued, the natives were “crushed by terror” and believed that the Spaniards were “wild beasts.”[14] 

            While many of the native peoples in the “New World” viewed the Spaniards as “beasts,” back in Spain, intellectuals wrestled with the same question about the Amerindians.  They questioned how to categorize them, whether as “beasts,” who were incapable of living in civilized society, “barbarians,” those who were best kept separate from civilized society, or “brothers,” those capable of accepting Christianity and being restored to civilization.[15]  The overwhelming consensus was to accept the natives as brothers, however many still viewed and treated them as not much more than a “beast.”  At best, a population to be ruled over and taxed, profiting from their resources and their labor.  However, we cannot oversimplify history as one set of events and one perspective.  To understand history, we must look at the multiple voices that speak to us, sometimes through their own words and sometimes as inference through others’ words.  When we piece these together, we then get a wider, yet still incomplete, picture of what occurred.

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[1] Green, Anna and Kathleen Troup, The Houses of History, New York: New York University Press, 1999, 174

[2] Greene, Jack and Philip Morgan, Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal, New York: Oxford University Press,  2009, 55

[3] Green, Anna and Kathleen Troup, The Houses of History, New York: New York University Press, 1999, 179

[4] Clendinnen, Inga, “Yucatec Maya Women and the Spanish Conquest: Role and Ritual in Historical Reconstruction,” in The Houses of History, New York: New York University Press, 1999, 184

[5] Seed, Patricia, Ceremonies of Possession in Europe’s Conquest of the New World, 1492-1640, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, 70

[6] Ibid, 74

[7] Ibid, 79

[8] Roldan, Francisco quoted from Letter to Cardinal Jimenez de Cisneros, dated circa 1499, as presented in John H. Parry & Robert G. Keith, eds., New Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and

Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century (Times Books, 1984), Vol. II: The Caribbean, 228-231

[9] Roldan, Francisco, Letter to Cardinal Jimenez de Cisneros, dated circa 1499, as presented in John H. Parry & Robert G. Keith, eds., New Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and

Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century (Times Books, 1984), Vol. II: The Caribbean, 228-231

[10]Sahagún, Fray Bernardino de. Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España. Edited by Francisco del Paso y Troncoso. 4 vols. Madrid: Fototipia de Hauser y Menet, 1905, Accessed September 8, 2021, Book 12, Ch 24. https://www.historians.org/teaching-and-learning/teaching-resources-for-historians/teaching-and-learning-in-the-digital-age/the-history-of-the-americas/the-conquest-of-mexico/florentine-codex

[11]Greene, Jack and Philip Morgan, Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal, New York: Oxford University Press,  2009, 57

[12] Sahagún, Fray Bernardino de. Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España. Edited by Francisco del Paso y Troncoso. 4 vols. Madrid: Fototipia de Hauser y Menet, 1905, Accessed September 8, 2021, Book 12, Ch 8. https://www.historians.org/teaching-and-learning/teaching-resources-for-historians/teaching-and-learning-in-the-digital-age/the-history-of-the-americas/the-conquest-of-mexico/florentine-codex

[13] Ibid, Book 12, Ch 8

[14] Ibid, Book 12, Ch 18

[15] Greene, Jack and Philip Morgan, Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal, New York: Oxford University Press,  2009, 59

Factors Leading to European Expansion and Colonialism in the 16th and 17th Centuries

 

Discussion essay for HIS-4150: History and Historians

Dr. Amanda Snyder

University of Central Florida

Factors Leading to European Expansion and Colonialism in the 16^th and 17^th Centuries

The road which led to the encounter between Europeans and native peoples of the “New World” and subsequent colonial expansion into these areas is a complex history of social and economic factors.  We cannot say simply that the need for expansion or military power was the primary factor that led to these events.  Instead, we can argue that series of changes in the agricultural, economic, and political climate of Europe were driving factors that fueled expansionism, which in turn provided the necessary mechanisms for subsequent colonial activity.  To begin with, we also must include the concurrent expansion of European power into African continent and following slave industry that resulted.  According to John K. Thornton, the early history of the Atlantic basin was a coming together of three cultures:  European, African, and “American.”[1]  This encounter was an enormous shock to all three cultures.[2]  Not only had these cultures not previously encountered others like them before, but the entire nature of each culture was substantially different; in appearance, language, religion, values, etc…  What led to European expansion, slavery, and colonialism? 

            To answer this question, we have to start in Europe and look at medieval economic systems.  According to traditional Marxist theory, there are three historical epochs of economic development:  ancient society (Greece and Rome), feudal society, and capitalist society (modern bourgeoisie).[3]  The medieval period in Europe is best described as a feudal society with local nobles owning land and “renting” the land to sharecroppers to develop agriculturally.  In 1500, the French historian Fernand Braudel published a work on the history of capitalism.  According to Thornton, Braudel describes three levels of inequality from poorest to richest:  hunter-gatherers, farmers that use the hoe, to farmers that use the plow.[4]  While this paradigm does well to describe different levels of agriculture, Thornton disagrees with Braudel that this is a universal paradigm of development.  He points out the research of Pierre Goubert that showed that some of the richest agricultural regions had the lowest vitality rates (life expectancy, infant mortality).[5] Thornton argues that Braudel’s model did not exist before the 19^th century.[6]  What occurred in Europe during the 15^th and 16^th centuries then, must be found elsewhere.  According to Thornton, a changing agricultural and political landscape, from pure feudalism to the introduction of a monarchy, led to an imbalance of power, wealth, and wealth production.  A growing merchant class helped to further fuel this development.  This is evidenced in the work of Christopher Hill in “Economic Background of the English Revolution.”  Hill argues that because of changing agricultural roles, the middle/merchant class grew richer, while the nobility and peasant class grew poorer.  Changes in land ownership precipitated the need to expand beyond the geographical area of England.[7]  The growth of the merchant class led to an incipient capitalist economy beginning to grow.  It is important to note, according to Hill, that before 1640, what changed in England was not of agricultural technique, the method of farming remained the same, but instead there was a change in land ownership and in the volume of production.[8]  Thus, the need for more land led to expansionism. 

            Sailing to Africa and the Americas, European powers discovered peoples completely unlike themselves.  It is safe to say they were at the hunter-gatherer stage of production.  However, differences in culture would prove to be life-changing for everyone.  As described previously, European culture was driven by the need to produce more, thereby fueling a materialist culture that required more and more goods and wealth to sustain it.  Conversely, hunter-gatherer societies are able to easily produce all that they require.  As Thornton describes, these societies did not have to share their good with an upper class and were able to meet their needs much more easily than their European counterparts.[9]  According to Richard Grassby, the value of objects reflect the culture which produces it.[10]  We can see that in the initial contacts between Europeans and the native populations of the Caribbean Islands, they were content with receiving “low value” beads and trinkets from the Europeans.[11]  They valued these items, it would seem, for their intrinsic beauty and did not seem concerned about gold, silver, or other precious metals and gems.  The indigenous populations did not “need” anything from the Europeans as they were completely self-sufficient.  This represents a power imbalance whereby the Europeans could more easily obtain from the native peoples those precious metals, gems, production of goods, and most importantly, land that they could produce these on.  European governments were more than eager to join in on the exploration and development of these new lands and resources, providing charters to private companies giving them broad powers in the Americas.  These colonies acted as de facto economic representatives of their home nation.  In the charter given from the government of the Netherlands to the Dutch West India Company in 1621, we see the rights of the charter company that had been established.  Article II of the Charter states that they had the right to “make contracts” and “appoint and discharge Governors.”[12]  In addition, for security purposes, the Charter company is authorized to “take any troops with them (Article V)” who “shall obey the command of the said Company (Article VI).”[13]

            The long road from initial mutual discovery to the establishment of colonies that produced gold, silver, and other valuable goods such as tobacco and sugar, all profitable back in the European continent was a long and winding one.  A “perfect storm” of economic and political factors in Europe along with differences in culture and economy in the “new world” created the opportunity for the wealth and land that England, France, Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands needed to fuel a rising capitalist economy to be accessible, while simultaneously creating colonial subjects and an African slave trade to fuel it.  Unlike in other parts of the globe, an equitable trade system would not be established here, instead, the Europeans would dominate both continents and the islands within their navigable waters.

 

 

 

 

 

Bibliography

Charter of the Dutch West India Company – 1621, Yale Law School, The Avalon Project

collection, accessed September 2, 2021. https://avalon.law.yale.edu/17th_century/westind.asp, Art. II.

Columbus, Christopher, “Document 2-2. Columbus Describes His First Encounter with

‘Indians’,” in Reading the American Past: Selected Historical Documents, edited by Michael P. Johnson (Boston/New York, Bedford/St. Martin's, 2012)

Grassby, Richard, “Material Culture and Cultural History,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History,

XXXV:4, Spring, 2005

Hill, Christopher, “Economic Background of the English Revolution,” in Amanda Snyder,

“Material Culture,” UCF Webcourses.  Accessed September 2, 2021. https://webcourses.ucf.edu/courses/1387655/pages/week-2-material-culture?module_item_id=15070614

“Marxist Historians”, in Amanda Snyder, “Material Culture,” UCF Webcourses. Accessed

September 2, 2021.  https://webcourses.ucf.edu/courses/1387655/pages/week-2-material-culture?module_item_id=15070614

Thornton, John K, A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820, New York: Cambridge

University Press, 2012

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[1] For ease of reference, the generic term “American” is used in this work to denote the areas and indigenous peoples encountered in the lands currently named North, Central, and South America, as well as the islands of the Caribbean unless an otherwise more specific nomenclature is warranted.

[2] Thornton, John K, A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012, 29.

[3] “Marxist Historians”, in Amanda Snyder, “Material Culture,” UCF Webcourses. Accessed September 2, 2021.  https://webcourses.ucf.edu/courses/1387655/pages/week-2-material-culture?module_item_id=15070614

[4] Thornton, John K, A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012., 29

[5] Ibid, 32

[6] Ibid, 32

[7] Hill, Christopher, “Economic Background of the English Revolution,” in Amanda Snyder, “Material Culture,” UCF Webcourses.  Accessed September 2, 2021. https://webcourses.ucf.edu/courses/1387655/pages/week-2-material-culture?module_item_id=15070614, 2

[8] Ibid, 5.

[9] Thornton, John K, A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012, 32.

[10] Grassby, Richard, “Material Culture and Cultural History,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, XXXV:4, Spring, 2005, 597

[11] Columbus, Christopher, “Document 2-2. Columbus Describes His First Encounter with ‘Indians’,” in Reading the American Past: Selected Historical Documents, edited by Michael P. Johnson (Boston/New York, Bedford/St. Martin's, 2012), 20.

[12] Charter of the Dutch West India Company – 1621, Yale Law School, The Avalon Project collection, accessed September 2, 2021.  https://avalon.law.yale.edu/17th_century/westind.asp, Art. II.

[13] Ibid, Art. V and Art. VI