About Me

Graduate student at Missouri State University working on an M.A. in History. I am also working on a second B.A. in Religion and Cultural Studies with a minor in Anthropology at University of Central Florida.

I currently have a Bachelor of Arts in History/Minor in Judaic Studies from the University of Central Florida and an Associate of Arts in History from Pensacola State College. I have completed a one year certification course in Biblical Hebrew through the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Certificates in Eastern Christian Traditions and Sacred Scripture from Newman Theological College.

I have studied French to the Intermediate level and am currently studying Biblical Hebrew, Koine Greek, and Turkish.

Showing posts with label primary sources. Show all posts
Showing posts with label primary sources. Show all posts

Friday, July 16, 2021

Primary Sources for the Study of Ancient Egypt

 This paper originally written as a discussion paper with informal citation.

ASH-3200:  Ancient Near Eastern Societies

Dr. Tiffany Early-Spadoni

University of Central Florida

Palermo Stone


Primary Sources for the Study of Ancient Egypt

When discussing the history of ancient Egypt, we have several types of sources to pull from in gathering information.  Unfortunately, the only full “historical” analysis that we do have is from Manetho, an Egyptian priest living in the 3rd Century BCE.  Modern scholars must use care in using Manetho as a source as, obviously he is so far removed from the earliest periods of Egyptian history, but also due to several other reasons.  One, his history was severely abridged by Christian writers several centuries after it was written.  Secondly, according to scholar William Murnane, Manetho was never able to distinguish within his sources those that were more factual and those that were mythical.  Add to this the fact that Manetho did not use comparative analysis with other source materials such as inscriptions written during the time period being discussed (Murnane, The History of Ancient Egypt, pg. 691).  Most of our primary source data comes in the form of hieroglyph inscriptions, used from some of the earliest writings throughout the ancient period.  Hieroglyphic inscriptions were used almost exclusively in the context of monumental art and architecture, such as dedicatory inscriptions and commemorative texts and often reflected a state ideology (Early-Spadoni, Sources in Ancient Egypt).  In addition to monumental texts, we also have, though scant in number, writings on papyri.  Papyrus texts were written on the leaves of the papyrus plant that grew along the Nile River.  Typically, in these and other non-formal inscription texts, the form of writing used was Hieratic, a cursive form of Egyptian.  Because the papyrus does not hold up well over time, we have far less of these as archaeological artifacts than what we have from the Mesopotamian archives.  These texts often reflect a variety of genres including contracts, legal texts, and religious texts (Early-Spadoni, Sources).  One of the more interesting artifacts we have from the Early Dynastic period is the Palermo Stone.  The Palermo Stone was written inscribed during the 5th Dynasty and gives us a list of kings reaching back into the pre-Dynastic, and mythical, past (Murnane, History, pg. 693).  According to a transcription of the Palermo texts by Heinrich Schafer, the division of registers and vertical lines depict the year-by-year reigns of kings along with significant events during each reign.  We also find the height of the Nile flood for each year (Schafer, Ein Bruchstuck Altagyptischer Annalen).  Along with inscriptions from royal tombs, palaces, and temples, and particularly increasing in later years, we have numbers of letters of correspondence between Egypt’s Pharaohs and the rulers of other large and small empires to the east.  It comes as no surprise that the most secure we can feel in the historical accuracy of an event is when two unrelated documents corroborate each other such as in the raid of the 22nd Dynasty’s Shoshenq I into Palestine.  This event is recorded not only on a triumphal relief in the Temple of Amun at Thebes, but also attested in the Hebrew Bible in the book of 1 Kings 14:25-26 (Murnane, History, pg. 710).

            The form, style, and context of writings and artifacts can often shape our interpretation of their source in unique ways.  Given the multitude of monumental architecture related to burial and the dominance, particularly in the earlier periods, of texts that are funerary and mortuary related…that is, they are often related to death and the rituals surrounding death (Early-Spadoni, Sources), it can be easy to assume that perhaps the culture only left writings related to these events or that perhaps they were overly consumed by them.  However, it is important to remember that what artifacts we have are often those that are best preserved over time, not necessarily those that were most produced.  One of the interesting facets about Egyptian culture is in how they named cities, places, individuals, and cultures.  We can often gleam some information from this.  During the 1st Dynasty, kings often carried simpler names such as Narmer (“Baleful Catfish”) or Aha (“Fighter”).  In the 2nd Dynasty, we see a transition to names that we may be able to attribute to a stronger sense of relating the person of the ruler to that of the divine, such as the boastful title “He Who Belongs to the God” which is the interpretation of the name Nyjetner (Murnane, History, pg. 695).  As is often the case, writings from the ruling class often included or reflected an ideological or political message.  In an essay of political propaganda, Life of Neferti, the 12th Dynasty’s Amenemhet I portrays himself as “a national savior, coming after a period of protracted chaos” (Murnane, History, pg. 699). 

            As in all source material from any period, there are limitations to what we can know for sure about their historical accuracy as well as their historical completeness.  As in the case of Mesopotamian sources, we often do not see a picture of the lives of the common workers, women, children, and slaves.  We often only see what the ruling class, the elite officials, and the religious elites want us to see.  There are some exceptions, however.  Take, for example, ostracon found in the workers’ community of Deir el-Medina.  The inhabitants here wrote on ostraca, broken pieces of pottery, and of the hundreds of texts found, many ranged from love songs to laundry lists, and other everyday writings (Early-Spadoni, Sources).  Further insight can be gained in the exchange of correspondence between Amenhotep III and King Tushratta of the Mitanni as well as King Kadashman-Enlil I of Babylon.  In both cases, the eastern kings requested a daughter of the Pharaoh for marriage.  Amehhotep replied that for all it’s history, no daughter of Egypt has ever been sent off for marriage (implying political marriage to other kingdoms) (Murnane, History, pg. 704).  While this on the surface seems noble, we do not see the full picture that Amenhotep himself received foreign daughters as brides.  And, finally, in discussing the limitations of our sources, I want to briefly mention both the Story of Sinuhe and The Execretion Texts, both from the 12th Dynasty.  While both writings give us a picture of an Egypt that was both wary of potential enemies to the east, but also not desirous of making war there with the intent of establishing or expanding empire (Murnane, History, pg. 700), we also can come away short because we do not fully understand why this is the case.  Could it be that the ruling class had no desire to expand or make war?  Were there internal conflicts that prevented such actions?  Was the country experiencing economic hardships that forced it to look in upon itself and ignore the rest of the world?  These are questions that are not easily answered and can affect how we envision the status of the ancient Egyptian world during that period.


Discussion of Primary Sources in the Ancient Near East

 This paper originally written as a discussion paper with informal citation.

ASH-3200:  Ancient Near Eastern Societies

Dr. Tiffany Early-Spadoni

University of Central Florida

Akkadian Cylinder Seal


Discussion of Primary Sources in the Ancient Near East

            In looking at the early history of Mesopotamia, there are several classes of primary sources with which we can glean information about the lives of those peoples and cultures.  We have, in varying amounts, both archaeological artifacts and historical (written) artifacts.  These can generally be divided into the following classes (genres):

-Pottery:  Artifacts made, typically in this time period, from clay or sometimes stone and used in everyday life such as bowls, jars, cups, etc…

-Seals (Stamp and especially Cylinder Seals:  Items made typically from stone that bear glyphs (images) and sometimes inscriptions that represent the authority of the individual who owned it.  This would be stamped or rolled onto soft clay and left to harden as a “seal” of authority.

-Monumental Art:  Such as Steles (large stone slabs that commemorate some event) and dedicatory inscriptions.

-Monumental Architecture:  Tombs, Ziggurats, Temples, etc…

-Writing (Cuneiform Tablets)

            Across different time periods and cultural sources, these types of artifacts can differ.  What representations and writings are made on these sources and how they differ between periods can shape our interpretation of those who created them.  One example is in the area of cylinder seals.  One example we have from the Uruk Period (4,000 to 3,000 BCE) depicts a large male figure (possibly a “ruler” or “king” figure) wearing a net skirt and head band in a scene of several other smaller individuals. (Early-Spadoni, 2021, The Uruk Period).  By the time of the Akkadian Period (2,350 to 2,200 BCE), cylinder seals often took on simpler motifs.  They also seemed to employ more empty space within the seal, more symmetry, and more depictions of gods.  During this period, a new scene also emerged, called the “presentation scene” which depicts the ruler being presented to a god, or sometimes an official being presented to the ruler. (Early-Spadoni, 2021, The Akkadian Empire).  Shapes, styles, and motifs of art, architecture, and writings reflect what was important to, generally, the culture at the time, and specifically, the individual who created it or employed its creation.  For example, we can contrast victory steles over time.  Steles are large slabs of concrete (sometimes wood) that were covered with figures and writing that often commemorated some event or achievement by a ruler.  Early steles from the Ur III period tended to reflect rulers as “pious builders” while later steles, such as the Stele of Vultures from the Early Dynastic III period or the Stele of Naram-Sin from the Akkadian period were designed to reinforce the idea of the ruler as a “smiter of enemies.”  (Early-Spadoni, 2021, Age of the Amorites).  Compare this with the Stele of Hammurabi during the Old Babylonian Period (2,000 to 1,6000 BCE).  In this stele, Hammurabi (c. 1,810 to 1,750 BCE) is depicted in the form of a “just king” who is an ideological new ruler (Early-Spadoni, 2021, Age of the Amorites).  The stele reveals a number of laws and portrays Hammurabi as a “law-giver” type ruler. 

            All of these primary sources have a number of limitations present for the modern scholar.  They often reveal only a narrow window of society.  While pottery can be used by all individuals across the spectrum of society, they often do not indicate to us anything more than how they were made and sometimes, images that were either important or popular.  When we look at cylinder seals, monumental art, and monumental architecture, we are only seeing what is presented by those who were powerful enough or economically advantaged enough to create them or have them created.  Monumental art and architecture were created by rulers, the ruling class, and sometimes the priestly class.  These items reflected the achievements that they wanted to present to the world.  Rulers seldom publicly record their failures and defeats, so we often only have records of their victories.  Similarly, we often are unable to look into the lives of those who did not produce these types of artifacts.  Unless specifically written about them, we do not have a reflection of the common person, the worker, women, children, or slaves.  There are some few exceptions.  For example, early Uruk writings that have been found sometimes were of school recitations, lexicons, hymns, and “wisdom” literature (Early-Spadoni, 2021, The Uruk Period).  Later on, during the Assyrian Period, we have a large number of cuneiform texts in the form of letters that revealed much about trade and the merchant class.  A number of these were found in Mari.  Many of these are first person accounts of the merchant life and would include things such as taxes, trading prices, and making arrangements for travel.  (Touillon-Ricci, M., “Life of a Salesman:  Trade and Contraband in Ancient Assyria,” ASOR online). 

 


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